domingo, 3 de junio de 2012

The European economic crisis

International
With out of governability of the country
The European economic crisis
By: Carlos Damián May 18, 2012
The paradoxes of the handling of the crisis
México. - After they took place the general elections in Greece, the main partisan leaders of that country agreed the realization of new elections for the next one June 17, in the face of the impossibility of reaching an agreement to build a unit government. It should remember that the made elections the past 6 of May was liquidated with an electoral debacle of the two traditionally majority parties, the Socialist Movement Pan-Hellenic (Pasok) and the right-wing New Democracy, both are accused by the population of having forged the Greek crisis in the decades that were alternated the power.

In this context and with the atomization of the vote that derived in the inability of conforming a stable parliamentary majority. Later on, the negotiations headed by the Greek president, Karolos Papulias, was bankrupt before the negative of the coalition of left-wing Syriza that is the second more voted force, with 52 deputies to form a unit government that bends to the dictations of the Union European and the International Monetary Fund.

With the new call to the polling-both in Greece it confirms, because an ungovernability perspective that leaves to the Hellenic country to the economic and political drift, growing in moments that it becomes worse the financial crisis and the pressures of the leaders of the eurozone who last Monday (5/14/12), they affirmed that, in the event of not respecting the conditions of the plan of international rescue conscientiously, the Hellenic country will leave the Eurus, no matter how much a similar decision would represent an element with out of stabilizer for the group of European economies that they have adopted the common foreign currency.
Crisis in Spain
The majority unions gave for certain it the government's mediation with the company Nissan for the production, in their Barcelona’s plant, of the pick-up. The origin of such mediation settled in the growing rumor about the closing of its branch from Barcelona and the opening in Morocco, of another similar plant, where the manpower was cheaper and the much more permissive and more appropriate labor legislation to the managerial approaches of the transnational one. Between the fear and the desperation, the union centers decided to accept some draconian conditions, later on ratified by 80 percent of the labor’s payroll, in spite of being prejudicial for the interests of the workers.

The agreement is simple: it was given the good seen it to a salary freezing until the year 2014, increasing the productivity by 6 percent, and to elevate the number of worked hours, in exchange for maintaining the work position. Weeks later, news would see the light: Nissan-Spain denies the dismantlement of its plant of Barcelona. The installation costs in Morocco were not very profitable. Who disclosed the first news it didn't represent to the politics neither the spirit of Nissan. In other words, the closing rumor was enough to generate a panic among the workers and to give in its will, accepting the proposal for consensus between the Ministry of Industry and the majority unions. This dirty and fool strategy was good it for the self-driven sector.

When being generalized this practice the law of labor reformation of 2010, it was impelled by Rodriguez Zapatero, giving free way to the reasonable and objective discharge, opening the door to a separation of the rights labor protectors of the work force and diminishing the capacity of collective negotiation of the unions. The spurious argument blessed the Zapatero reformation, although he found difficult a later general strike, without more repercussions in the substantial thing. It didn't modify the articulate of the law.

With out of governability
The political crisis that one lives in the Greek parliament is not more than a consequence of surfeit of a population forced to load with the costs of the irresponsibility and the corruption of its authorities and of the successive financial turbulences, so much exogenous as endogenous. This way, the inability of the political class to conform a parliamentary majority and the consequent necessity of summoning to new elections is equal to a form of impudent social of the Greeks in front of its representatives and authorities.

It is unavoidable to contrast, the case of Greece with that of Spain, country this last one in the one that the course of it keels economic it doesn't shine as marked as that of the Hellenic nation, but whose population faces a panorama equally and even more devastating. Keeping in mind the crushing victory obtained by the Popular Party in the elections of passed November; of the consequent arrival of Mariano Rajoy to the Moncloa and of the announcement formulated by this that there will be more reformations and adjustments “every Friday", the population doesn't have more alternative than to suffer more severe cuttings as regards education and health, a bigger setback of health and well-being that they had been come building from the end of the dictatorship, and a worsening of the unemployment in that country.

In paradoxical form, the apparent solidity of the Spanish political institutionally in comparison with the Greek can derive in a factor of weakness: while the dissatisfaction, the dissent and the chaos that are lived in the streets of Greece have been expressed in the impossibility of building a parliamentary majority in that country, the samples of indignation that have proliferated in recent months. While in Spain they don't seem to have institutional bed some to show, and it places it to the peninsular nation in the risk of a vast with out of stabilizer and undesirable political. (La Jornada, economia, p.p. 6- 7, May 17, 2012)

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