viernes, 12 de julio de 2013

The Mejican development

National The Mexicans are far from the call "middle class" The Mexican development By: Carlos Damian June 28, 2013 The social classes are frozen and they won't move during a long long time México. - According to a study of the National Institute of Statistic and Geography (INEGI), it has estimated that the middle class represents the population's 39.2% and 42.4% of the homes. That calculation shows a drastic contrast with the government's rhetoric that it has deceived us of the story of children in which they place Mexico to the front of the countries in development for that from Carlos Salinas de Gortari that all the Mexicans (99%), we are middle class and 1% is only the rich of the elite, since according to the neoliberal government they are based on the consumption rules and electoral preferences, in those that the Mexican prefers to vote for right-wing parties that always injure to the civic public interest and the lay state. The investigation discoveries really show us the long way to travel so that the country reaches a level of in agreement prosperity to that of their couples of the OCED. The debate of the supposed transformation of the country in middle class has been unchained by a publication of two economists, Luis de la Calle and Luis Rubio that have written from 2010 about the preferences, attitudes and habits in Mexico that they reflected middle class behaviors, and they also sustained that a class had been created with aspirations, with access to many of the consumption goods and technologies of its global neighbors, and strongly imbued of the values of the democracy and the economic liberalism. From then on certain segments of the intellectual establishment of right-wing have adopted with force that vision and they used it to explain why the focus of campaign of Felipe Calderon in the creation of employments resonated more than Andrés Manuel Lopez Obrador's speech in favor of the poor and the hard-working exploited for the unjust machine of taxes of Treasury, that which assured the victory in the elections of 2006 according to them. The factory of the government's lies bombards us that we are part of the middle class From an economic perspective, the statement that Mexico had become a middle class country it rested mainly in that the GDP per capita had grown in the three decades passed until allowing that a majority of Mexicans achieved a level the quite high of discretionary entrance to sustain a middle class lifestyle. This situation was supported by a demographic change toward smaller dependence proportions and smaller homes. The high revenues discretionary resultants allowed access to certain goods and services that before had been prohibitive for the Mexicans. A bigger percentage of proprietors of cars and houses were among the consequences, an expansion in the private institutions of health, an increment in the years of studies and a triplication of the attendance to universities, as well as an almost universal access to cellulars. Perhaps the most developing indicator in that change toward a middle class society is that the obesity and not the malnutrition, it has become one of the main problems that affect the population. The study in question was made in 2000 and 2010 of the ENIGH that are been worth of 17 qualitative indicators on the expense per capita beyond the basic necessities. They incorporated other variables to distinguish the different socioeconomic strata: the family boss's educational level, the formality and employment type and the property of the housing. A crucial factor, in contrast, in contrast with many other similar efforts of categorizing the middle class, it was that the study lacked clear thresholds to define in advance opposite among social classes; rather, the results of the stratification of characteristic of entrance and expense suggest how they are defined the classes. All the Mexicans suffer some privation form The results of the study show that only 39.2% of individuals and 42.4% of homes in Mexico can be defined as of middle class. Most of Mexicans -59.1% of individuals and 55.1% of homes - they belong to the low class, and only a small percentage (hardly 1.7% of people and 2.5% of homes) it forms the high class. Although the study clarifies us that the low class is not necessarily poor, if it suggests that to relapse in the poverty is a real risk for people in that category, because of events like the family boss's death, illnesses or accidents or macroeconomic blows as hyperinflation or economic recession. As such the low class is defined, or for the results of the study like a heterogeneous group that it shares several mechanisms directed to absorb the impact of the blows, it is incorporated in the nets of the government's social security and it is sustained with the support of groups and community nets. The middle class seems more numerous in urban areas (47% of the homes and the individuals' 50.1%). It has also won land during the 10 years passed to national scale: in 2000 it hardly represented 35.2% of individuals and 38.4% of homes. These results have been consistent with those of other similar studies in recent years. One of them, of the investigators of the BM, Luis Felipe Lopez Calva and Eduardo Ortiz Juarez, it adopted a vulnerability focus to define the middle class like that in that the risk of falling in the poverty was of 10% (this indicates us a daily family entrance of between 10 and 50 dollars in terms of parity of purchase power). According to that methodology, it was considered in the population's 42% less than in Chile (52.8), but more than in Peru (39.8). However, a study based on the entrance half made by Steven Pressman, of the UNAM it estimated a lower proportion: 19.7% of homes according to the lowest definition and 30.7% according to the widest. It still persists the inequality and they stay without moving the social classes Finally, the National Council of Evaluation of the politics of Social Development (Coneval), it estimated that the poverty embraced the population's 46.2% in 2010 (the poor in end represented 10.4%). soon after he suggested that up to 74.9% of homes they faced a type of social privation at least (most has access to the social security), and that 52% had an entrance below the level of social well-being. We have the security that will stay during six years that it lasts this government of the neoliberal and repressor PRI, the machine of lies sustaining the government's rhetoric that we are a middle class country, although we are Mexican of low and less favored class (miserable). Neither we allow to happen that we are a country with Mexican homes that suffer in some privation way and we continue being very vulnerable to socio-economic interferences. Apart from that know the benefits of a quick growth, in such a way that when elevating the formal employment that to the date it hardly reaches 40% of the labor force. The federal government has tried to convince us of the benefits that the structural reformations have brought us to the Mexicans, with his well won diplomas in the University of Cantinflas that if we saw to ‘grosso modo’, they are all those that integrate the cabinet of EPN, and this is manifested with the slide of the tenant of the Pinos residence since the one mentioned reformation energetic it should include the changes in the constitution, and secondary laws to give certainty to the private investors, we believe that he was already organized a competition to know who the sharpest in these scenic arts. In the Chamber of Deputies, Manlio Fabio Beltrones, one of the most celebrated sentences said: "Mexican petroleum are not privatized neither it is sold; what we look for is to give more speed to the modernization (…) an energy reformation that (…) it rotates around recognizing that the property of the petroleum is of the State." As we are a little short in understanding, well he/she would make in explaining to us, “to give more speed to the modernization", since president EPN had said that there will be constitutional changes t”o give certainty to the private investors", and private investors, non contractors said. (La Jornada, política, p.p. 22 -23, 25 de Junio, 2013).

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