The advance economic Mexican

Nacional The advance six years is scarce and rickety The advance economic Mexican By: Carlos Damian March 9, 2013 An official investigation should approach the torture and the military jurisdiction México. - Apparently in all the environments they have realized that the Mexican economy is very distant of being the “ship of great soaked” that have shown off from Los Pinos residence, and that the " treasures" found in the gulf of Mexico, the sick thing weakness of the world economy doesn't decrease, and that the perspectives of the private initiative cannot be considered precisely positive. In the most recent survey on the expectations in economy of the sector that they correspond to July of 2011, the Bank of Mexico counts that the main factors that could limit the rhythm of the economic activity in next six months are: the weakness of the external markets and of the world economy, with 26 percent of the total of the answers, public insecurity, with 22 percent; international financial uncertainty, 18 percent and the absence of structural changes in Mexico, 17 percent. In this context, such analysts reduce their estimates as regards growth for the year, 2011 and for the following one 2012, of such a luck that in the best in the cases, and with the fingernails, F. Calderon's federal administration would not close with a rate annual "advance " average bigger to 1.9 percent. In the Congress of the nation, the center of studies of the Public Finances of the Chamber of Deputies considers that the economic indicators show us the a moderate growth due to the possibility of a smaller world demand, the null growth of the internal demand and an increase in the financial volatility that affects to the prices of the raw material, beautiful and energy metals. The violence and the vocabulary It is unavoidable to associate the exchange of impressions among Javier Sicilia, the other victims of the violence and Felipe Calderon, with another act of national transcendence, the dialogue among the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN) and the federal government in San Andres S'akamchen de los Pobres. The current conditions are very different to 1996, and however of both speeches they come off two learning that it is worthwhile to stand out. The first one the government's great distance and the official politics’ sphere in front of the experiences and the population's reclaims. In San Andres, the great effort that the EZLN and their advisers dedicated him to speak, to interpret and to translate the reality of the towns natives, it sensitized to a society that had forgotten to the indigenous towns, but the government was shown unable to listen, reluctant to see to the other one as same, with such a treachery that San Andres' agreements are not still completed as regards rights and culture natives. That same intransigence was reflected in Chapultepec Castle that made of the pain an infamous government report that transformed legitimate questions into a mockery of look through of previous situations that they responded to the demand of justice justifying the front attack against the organized crime and avoiding the legitimate reclaims from the victims when tossing the blame to state and municipal agents or governments of the past. The president that the strategy of war is not negotiable reiterated. The exchange that better it evidenced the difficult encounter between the president and Salvador Campanur, of Cheran, Michoacan, town that is protected of the illegal pruning of their forests on the part of the organized crime for months, with self-defense mechanism characteristic of the towns Purhepechas. Salvador described the current situation as part of a long extermination politics that if now it arrives to the climax because the organized crime is peeling the mountain to the degree of leaving it not recognizable, it has a long history of repression, racism and looting on the part of managers, paramilitary and political because, “to the aggression of the state and its repressive bodies, adding a crime rate that always counts with the shelter that cover to the authorities and the impunity of the system of justice". The emergency that the town lives and most of the indigenous towns in the country have to do with people's survival, with an imminent danger to lose the human life and the social and cultural life of its communities. In front of the complex reality drawn by Salvador, the president's strategy mediatic was to respond in Purhepecha that together will work to solve the problem", and to also emphasize, he worries about a lot that the forests of its homeland, they are disappearing and in its place in time of rain some indigenous towns get lost among the mud and the mountains that are disrupted on these indigenous towns in the mountain Purhepecha. The government's mockery to begin a dialogue of deaf, and that they have “fought to strengthen to the forest politics", it is a hard lesson, there is another learning that fills us again encouragement: the capacity of the civil society to create dialogue spaces where novel and dynamic languages that allow to imagine other forms of acting, emerge and opening possible roads. In San Andres, the jeer to the “dialogue" on the part of the government's representatives contrasted with the dynamics among the team of advisory of the EZLN and debates in the encounter of the civil society. In the castle of Chapultepec, the interventions of the two parts pointed toward a new dialogue, a new vocabulary that like necessary weapon to look for exits to this dead end alley and to try to leave this current violent confinement. Among the topics that should be approached in an investigation it is about the deaths generated by the "war " against the organized crime; the systematic violation against the indigenous towns; the contempt of the sentences of the Interamerican Court and human rights, the impunity; the fight of the indigenous towns in defense of their natural resources, the violence against the women, social abandoned men, and the absence of a protection outline for the social activists. Perhaps they have separated the garbage of the official rhetoric. They exposed emphatically that they are the wronged families, and that we “don't want more deaths", expressing that they were them and those that have been added to reestablish the approach that distinguishes the acceptable thing among the inadmissible thing. Another element that contributed the construction of a new common sense, the one claims for all the victims: Julian LeBaron. All the corpses are our, all confront us to the failure of the social pattern in which we have survived every day. "You will tell us that those victims are criminal, but it is necessary to see who these victims were, where they lived, it lower what conditions, in what we failed them. See well, our faces. Hey you, they listen our words well. I ask if we are criminal, since we are the collateral drops". To conclude, Norma Ledezma's thought, another component that has endowed by word of mouth just to this social movement: "you cannot build the justice burying the past". The justice begins with a collective statement that assumes to all the corpses as our, it establishes a command, and they affirm approaches, being listened a distant echo; already coarse of dead, and of corpses collateral! (La Jornada, politica, p.p. 16-17, July 12, 2012).